The Parliamentary Expenses of Northern Ireland MPs.

The Home Sectretary, Jacqui Smith, is having a rough time facing an investigation over her expenses claims.   She is not the first Politician to face such scrutiny.  She will not be the last. 

Meanwhile, I produce the data for 2008 relating to the expense claims of Northern Ireland MPs.  The data makes interesting reading.

 

		A	B	C	D	E	F	G	H	Total
G. Adams	SF	21131	21273	90278	85	218	1329	0	0	£134,314
G. Campbell	DUP	23083	5421	80112	291	1325	1362	0	0	£111,594
Nigel Dodds	DUP	22992	29812	74351	1118	4052	1301	0	10111	£143,737
Pat Doherty	SF	21000	21293	87083	210	622	1300	0	0	£131,508
J. Donaldson	DUP	20342	20758	89492	1169	3176	982	0	5360	£141,279
Mark Durkan	SDLP	20796	21882	85326	237	545	1199	0	6841	£136,826
M. Gildernew	SF	21000	21158	90506	111	519	1378	0	0	£134,672
S. Hermon	UUP	16999	12309	92017	362	2634	685	0	66	£125,072
W. McCrea	DUP	20904	30247	86875	627	2027	1044	0	0	£141,724
A. McDonnell	SDLP	23083	16967	94769	209	864	1202	0	9801	£146,895
E. McGrady	SDLP	9295	25537	86078	466	1140	1225	6757	10158	£140,656
M. McGuinness	SF	21000	21231	89087	0	0	1127	0	0	£132,445
C. Murphy	SF	21000	21293	85790	55	170	1413	0	0	£129,721
I. Paisley	DUP	18136	26084	85760	305	1612	0	0	0	£131,897
I. Robinson	DUP	20478	8079	78175	879	3192	1382	0	1315	£113,500
P. Robinson	DUP	19864	15301	72870	288	1355	1349	0	3136	£114,163
D.Simpson	DUP	21770	21091	83001	482	1433	1101	0	2676	£131,554
S. Wilson	DUP	14557	19154	88089	631	2240	1355	0	9931	£135,957
										£2,377,514

A = Cost of staying at main home.  B = office running costs.  C= Staffing costs.  D = Centralling purchased stationary E= Stationary associated purchase.  G= Staff cover & other associated costs.  H = Commons Allowance

Sinn Fein’s accommodation allowances are a round figure.  Iris and Peter Robinson have similar housing costs to the rest yet one wonders why they could not share accommodation.  The MP with the most expenses was SDLP’s Alasdair McDonnell with £146,895 whilst the MP that incurred the least was Gregory Campbell with £111,594.   It makes no sense that there is such a wide variation between the expense claims.  Lady Sylvia Hermon, whom you would imagine would be the most expensive as she spends more time at Westminster, not being an MLA, is the fourth least expensive.

The figures are very similar to the expense of MPs who sit in English constituencies, yet we know that all Northern Ireland MPs, with the exception of Lady Sylvia Hermon, are also MLAs.

Quite frankly, £2.4 million in expenses (salaries are separate) for 18 MPs are not acceptable until they are justified.  I challenge every Northern Ireland MP to come forward and explain their expenses on this blog.

Pressure on Gordon Brown over Presbyterian Mutual increases as its directors face investigation

Pressure is continuing on Gordon Brown to take action to save the Presbyterian Mutual Society.  

In a post on the Ulster Unionist Website, Danny Kennedy MLA, has said that 

“the Prime Minister Gordon Brown must now step in to save the Presbyterian Mutual Society after he stepped in to save the Dunfermline Building Society in his own Kircaldy constituency in Scotland”

That is actually not my reading of the position.  According to other reports relating to the Dunfermline Building Society 

“the government refused to bail out another financial institution and instead decided to put it on the market”

Unlike the PMS, depositors with the Dunfermline Building Society are being guaranteed deposits of up to £50,000 under the deposit guarantee scheme.  

Meanwhile, there is an investigation into the PMS over whether it has operated illegally as a Bank.  If the investigation finds that to be the case, the Directors of the PMS face prosecution.  

In an earlier post, I argued in favour of compensation for the depositors as a matter of principle on the basis that the PMS investors were encouraged to treat their accounts with the PMS like bank accounts.

The debate on the proposed Irish Language Act – Part I

Some weeks ago, I pledged that I would write a post about whether we should have an Irish Language Act.  It is, actually, a much more interesting topic than appears at first sight.

As a Conservative who wants to pull down the sectarian wall which exists in our society, I regard this subject as one of utmost importance. However, the case has not been made either for or against an Irish Language Act by any of the politicians in Northern Ireland.  This is because the Irish Language itself has become a political football. The more that the Nationalists and Republicans try to push for an Irish Language Act, the more likely they are to entrench the position of Unionists, who are against it. 

The Nationalists and Republicans are guilty of alienating many people in Northern Ireland from the idea of learning Irish, or wanting Irish to be taught in non-Catholic schools.  In part, this is because they portray it as a nationalist (rather than an Irish) Identity symbol. 

On both sides of the argument, there is considerable bigotry.  There are Unionists who think that the Irish Language is something that “does not belong in Northern Ireland.”  Eighteen months or so ago, David McNarry, MLA of the UUP put forward a motion that Irish should be banned from being spoken in the Assembly.  His invection did not go unnoticed.

“What was striking about David McNarry’s demeanour when proposing his motion asking that Irish should be banned from within the assembly was the visceral hatred that the UUP member felt toward the language,” said Robert McNillen of the Irish News.

Part of Sinn Fein’s strategy for preserving the sectarian wall is to demonise the Orange Order. The reason for this is perfectly simple.  At the moment, it is mostly Orangemen that control the positions of power within the unionist parties. Maintain antipathy towards Orangemen and they maintain antipathy towards unionism.  The prejudices against Orangemen exist within the Catholic community as a result of past history.  All that Sinn Fein has to do in order to maintain that prejudice is to voice a little story here and there.  In the days of Drumcree, that was an easy task for them.  Now, they have to watch and listen to the Orangemen from behind the bushes, as they did at the 12^th July celebrations last year.  The example that I have selected is a piece from last year in An phoblach.  How triumphant that piece is.  They caught the Orangemen attacking the Irish Language.  Because the nature of Orange criticism of Irish is so vituperative, it enables Sinn Fein to sound ever so reasonable and even handed when they make their counter-attack.

“Exercising the right to learn and speak Irish has nothing to do with “the intended application of cultural apartheid” or “an Irish-language onslaught to strangle” Orangemen’s “sense of Britishness,” said Laura Friel of Sinn Fein. 

Sinn Fein carries on as though it owns the Irish Language.  That is part of the problem.  They are the wrong political party to champion the promotion of Irish and all other aspects of Irish culture.  Their continued existence in politics is a constant reminder of the violence of the past.  I would go as far as to say that Sinn Fein’s continued existence on the political scene in Northern Ireland contributes to a sustained reluctance of many Protestants in Northern Ireland to admit that they are Irish. 

Debate about the Irish Language requires cool tolerant heads. Perhaps it will take a cross-community political party like the Conservatives to provide a detached analysis and opinion on this issue, which will gain the trust and respect of both communities.  

The next post in this series sets out the history of the Irish language up to the 20th century.

Neil Johnston is appointed as Campaign Director for Conservatives & Unionists

At a fund-raising dinner last night hosted by the Northern Ireland Conservative Party at the Europa Hotel, Belfast, it was announced that Neil Johnston has been appointed to the position of Campaign Director of the Conservative and Unionists.  

 Neil Johnston is currently the Chairman of the Northern Ireland Conservatives and a member of Conservative and UUP joint committee set up in January.  He is due to step down from his position as Area Chairman when his 3-year term in that position ends in June. .

Neil Johnston - New CU Campaign Director

The job of Campaign director will be an unusual one.  It will require plenty of “outside the box” thinking.  Normal politics is a central objective of the new political force.  Neil’s job will not be like that of any other campaign director.  TorystoryNI congratulates Neil and wishes him great success

“‘Ulster’ is something we have to leave behind”

Last night, the Conservative Party of Northern Ireland hosted a promotional and fund-raising dinner at the Europa Hotel.  

Conservative area committee member, Tim Lewis, spokesman for business relations, introduced the speakers.  The main guest speaker was Northern Irishman, Colonel Tim Collins O.B.E.   

Tim Collins initially reminded us of the sacrifices made by our servicemen.  There were 100 soldiers killed in Iraq in 2008.  A similar number were killed in Northern Ireland in 1972.

He highlighted the achievements of Northern Ireland people in many fields including science, sport, military medicine and law and part of the reason for that which was its grammar school education system.  He attacked Sinn Fein’s failed policy on the abolition of the eleven plus. 

“I cannot think of anywhere else in the World where they replace a system having no idea of what to replace it with”, said Collins. 

He highlighted the fact that politics was the one area Northern Ireland had failed to produce greatness. In a reference to the continuing success of sectarian politics, he called the Northern Ireland political arena a “self-contained fantasy land with no hope of rising beyond the petty.”  

Making an oblique biblical reference, he made a jag at the DUP for their outspoken homophobia, “You will run into a pillar of salt. It will turn out to be Iris Robinson”, he said. 

He highlighted our central objective, which is to bring Normal Politics to Northern Ireland.  “We have to reach across the divide and do away with badges”, he said. 

He highlighted the need to maintain and nurture our special relationships with the USA and the Republic of Ireland. 

He acknowledged the political risks taken by the UUP and the SDLP to achieve peace in Northern Ireland.  He made reference to the DUP and Sinn Fein having ‘stolen the clothes’ of moderation after many years of extremism likening them to “two bears who came to the centre who can only glare at each other without being able to move forward together.”  

He spelt out the importance of detaching [toxic] labels and symbols, particularly from the point of view of the younger generation and made a plea to the UUP to let go of Ulster. “’Ulster’ is something we have to leave behind”, he said.  “If we can leave labels behind, our children will reap.”  

Jim Nicholson MEP

Tim Lewis then gave an especially warm welcome to Jim Nicholson, MEP who will contest to represent Northern Ireland on behalf of the Conservatives and Unionists.  There were cheers and a loud applause when he said “… our candidate”  

Mr. Nicholson gave a brief speech of thanks.  He highlighted his Conservative credentials and his record as an MEP going back 20 years.  He gave an indication of the challenges ahead, acknowledging and supporting the concerns of the Conservative Party in Europe. “We can add to the future of Europe.”  He emphasized the need for a “soft landing” for the newly-joined Eastern European countries that look to the EU to help develop their economies.  

One in four women in Northern Ireland suffer domestic abuse

Earlier this week, I was forced to come in late to work and listened to a moving broadcast on BBC Radio Ulster.  The broadcast was about domestic abuse in Northern Ireland.  

Basil McCrea MLA and Irene Wilson, a survivor victim of domestic abuse were interviewed.   In the programme, which lasted 20 minutes a tape was played of the victim when she first telephoned emergency services.  I was struck by the tension and fear in the woman’s voice as she answered the questions about her injuries.  

After the tape was played, Mrs. Wilson appeared live.  She said that she suffered from violent abuse from her throughout her 32 year marriage.  The abuse came to an end following the emergency call. In that incident, she was severely beaten.  Her injuries included bruising as well as severance of an artery, which caused much loss of blood.  She had to have stitches for the wound.  

Her husband, Scott Wilson, was later charged with Grievous Bodily Harm, with intent to commit grievous bodily harm.  After a plea bargain between the defendant and the prosecuting authority, Mr. Wilson pleaded guilty to the lesser charge of GBH (in other words without the element of intent).  In the Courts, a witness supported him with a character reference which the woman disagreed with.  The sentence given was an 18 month custodial sentence suspended for three years.   

Just to put that story into perspective, the victim had suffered 32 years of abuse and the defendant did not complete one day in prison for the crime.  However, there may have been something exceptional about the circumstances of the defendant which resulted in a suspended sentence. Each individual case is different.  However, there is something very unjust about cases like this.  

Once a case like this comes to the attention of the police, the focus is on apprehension of the offender and bringing him to justice.  The victim’s needs are not top priority.  Victims need justice, even if the justice is a public prosecution.  One problem that the Police and prosecuting authorities have in domestic violence cases is that they are only likely to be able to deal with one crime (the last one).  Accordingly, the courts would not properly be in a position to take account of years of abuse which preceded it, even if that earlier abuse was part of the victim’s evidence.   

It is suggested that it would be appropriate for the next Northern Ireland Policing and Justice Minister to consider ways in which the offender can be properly punished for all of the years of domestic abuse which precedes the immediate offence.    

Basal McCrea stated in his interview that one in four of women in a relationship and one in nine of mensuffer from domestic abuse. Those are astonishing statistics.  Irene Wilson, Basil McCrea and the BBC are to be applauded for bringing this light.   

If you are a woman who has suffered domestic abuse, you are invited to contact Women’s Aid.

Solicitor sues Catholic School for £5 million over sex abuse by a priest

I do not usually write about stories which are nothing to do with politics. I am making an exception in relation to a report that has caught my eye because my next post will be about the related subject of domestic abuse.   

Stories about child sexual abuse have regularly appeared in the media for a generation and they have all but ceased to be the source of political issues.  However, many people were not aware that until last year, it was not possible for a victim to bring a claim against the perpetrator of child sexual abuse once the victim had reached the age of 24.  At that point, they were known to be ‘statute-barred’.  

Just over a year ago, the House of Lords in the case of A –v- Hoare [2008] UKHL 6 made it possible for victims to bring a claim much later.  So long as the victim can show that their date of knowledge (basically knowledge by the victim that there was a link between the act of abuse and the damage suffered by the victim) is less than 3 years before the bringing of an action, the victim is not statute-barred.  

A report in the Times a few days ago indicates that a solicitor, who alleges that he was abused as a child by a priest at a Catholic School in Lancashire is bringing a claim for damages against the school.  He alleges that he did not connect his under-achievements at work, failed marriage and binge drinking until he had a breakdown in April 2005.  He launched his legal action before a 3 year period from that time, which would have ended in April 2008.  

The Priest alleged to have committed the abuse is dead.  So long as the Claimant proves he is within the 3 year period, he still has to show that the Priest was acting in the course of his employment when the abuse occurred.  That may turn out to be the more tricky part of the case.   

For an update on this post, click here.

Brown in talks with the Queen to allow Royals to marry Catholics

According to a report in today’s Daily Telegraph, The Prime Minister is in talks with the Queen to replace the Act of Settlement and other constitutional enactments with new legislation enable Monarchs to marry Roman Catholics.  The new proposals would also bring an end to male heirs of the same degree taking precedence over females under the rules of royal primogeniture.

The moves will be welcomed by Roman Catholics who see the Act of Settlement as the last sectarian legislation on the UK Statute books.

These proposals stop short of enabling a Roman Catholic monarch to succeed to the throne.  Indeed, that is unlikely to happen, so long as the Monarch remains head of the Church of England.  As the report rightly indicates, it is necessary to consult with the Commonwealth, particularly those countries where the Queen remains head of state.

Assuming that the proposals are accepted, leading to a change in the law, I anticipate that it would not be very long - perhaps during a reign of prince Charles - before the Church of England is disestablished and the constitution of the Church changed so that the Archbishop of Canterbury becomes the head of the Church of England.   Once that happens, then the way will be open to change the law again to enable a Catholic to become a monarch.

Lord Myners in for the “High Jump”

Yesterday, the political career of Lord Myners moved a step closer to termination as it was revealed that during the weekend of 11-12^th October, he did know, in substance, the size of Sir Fred Goodwin’s (proposed) pension before the agreement was reached on 13^th October.  

The Daily Telegraph has reported that Lord Myners, in a letter to John McFall, chairman of the House of Commons Treasury committee, admitted that 

“by the evening of Sunday, Oct 12, he had been made aware of the scale of the payout.”

This follows his failure to reveal this information at previous committee hearings,  when politicians were clearly trying to establish the extent of Lord Myner’s knowledge about Sir Fred Goodwin’s pension arrangements before a contract became legally binding.  It is suggested in the Telegraph that Lord Myner’s wrote the letter “in order to spike Sir Tom’s guns”.  In other words, he wrote to the Treasury Committee in order to minimise the impact of new information making its way to the committee.

Those “guns” are a reference to a letter making its way to the Treasury Committee from Sir Tom McKillop, former chairman of RBS, who Lord Myners named, along with Bob Scott, a non executive director, as those responsible for negotiating Sir Fred’s pension.  

All of this looks very bad for Lord Myners and the Labour administration which must now bear responsibility for overseeing the “buying off” of Sir Fred when they could have had him dismissed.  It also looks as though Lord Myers has been guilty of deliberate concealment of material to the Treasury Committee. 

This is not a suggestion that he lied under oath.  He has failed, in the first instance, to act in accordance with the spirit and purpose of the enquiry.  This is a resignation issue.  It is hard to see how he can survive.   

Pressure on Sinn Fein after Alliance/SDLP motion passed for 2 year temporary renewal of the 11 plus

The chaos on the ground, presently being experienced by Primary School children, their teachers and parents resulted in a political manoeuvre in the Assembly yesterday.  

Yesterday, the following motion brought by the Alliance Party was approved by the Assembly 

“That this Assembly notes that schools may choose to use an examination as part of their entry criteria under the Minister of Education’s 2010 guidelines; calls on the Minister of Education to re-commission the CCEA test, she abandoned on 2 February 2009, that schools may then use for a maximum of two years; and calls on the Executive to agree new, legally binding guidelines for post primary transfer for use from 2011”  

The steps to abolish the 11 plus took place some years ago but this issue reached a crunch point in November 2008 after the UUP tabled a motion in the assembly, that the 11 plus be resumed for a further 3 years pending an alternative admission arrangement being found to replace it.  That motion was approved but ignored by the Education Minister, Caitriona Ruane.

I would be surprised if she adhered to this new motion.  If she did, it would represent something of a U turn for Sinn Fein.  However, I would not be totally surprised if she did.  The difference with this motion is that the SDLP and the Alliance Party are both behind it but they are both still opposed to academic selection.

 

Update: The Minister of Education, Caitriona Ruane, has rejected the motion.