How Sinn Fein uses anti-sectarianism to sustain sectarianism

Yesterday, I discussed remarks made by Gerry Adams which purported to support ending sectarianism in Northern Ireland politics. 

Sinn Fein depends for its existence as a political force in Northern Ireland for people to continue to vote along sectarian lines.  You will not hear Sinn Fein making remarks about the religious beliefs of Protestants.  They do, however, contribute to the continuation of sectarianism by being anti-sectarian. 

Over the weekend, Martin Maginness made a “plea” to Orangemen to avoid parades through Catholic areas.  He said

“It means a declaration from the Orange Order that, in future, it will no longer seek to force parades through Catholic areas and risk bringing violence on to our streets.”

I am not going to debate here, whether Orangemen should or should not march through one particular area or another or to what extent the Orange Order is a sectarian organisation.  Let us leave it for now that most Catholics in Northern Ireland perceive it to be a sectarian organisation. 

The real problem is that by making his statement, Maguinness achieves two things.  Firstly, the statement increases the risk of violence because it encourages thugs from the Catholic Community looking for an excuse to attack.  Secondly, it provokes outrage amongst Orangemen and their supporters.  Positions become even more entrenched and feelings run higher all around.

In this particular example, the counter-criticism came from Peter Robinson of the DUP and Mr. Harbinson of the TUV.  I am glad to say that the UUP did not make similar comments.  My purpose in commenting is to expose Sinn Fein’s gambit. 

I have previously highlighted an example of how Sinn Fein continually demonises the Orange Order. 

In the book entitled “Moving Beyond Sectarianism,” [Liechty and Clegg 2000] the authors explain, scientifically, how anti-sectarianism can end up becoming sectarian aggression.

“..much of what passes for anti-sectarianism is actually a mirror image of sectarianism; in fact, we could go further and say that anti-sectarianism can easily become a form of sectarianism.  The process works like this.  When sectarianism encounters difference, that encounter often runs in sequence to something like this: Encounter – judge –condemn – reject – separation / antagonism  This sequence would be one way of naming the dynamics of sectarianism.  But note what can all too easily happen when liberalism encounters what it regards as sectarian.  The content of the judgment is different, but the process often looks much the same:  Encounter – judge – condemn – reject – demonise – separation / antagonism.  In other words, the dynamics of supposedly rejecting sectarianism can be identical to the dynamics of sectarianism, although the person rejecting sectarianism is likely to be totally unaware of this. This is one source of what we call liberal sectarianism.”

 There is no doubt that every time a Sinn Fein politician opens its mouth about the Orange Order, it re-inforces sectarianism.  Do Sinn Fein politicians understand this?

If you believe what Gerry Adams has said, you have also got to believe that he does not understand the point I have just made.  I would suggest that Sinn Fein know exactly what they are doing.  Their leaders are too seasoned in the game of Northern Ireland’s troubles not to have leaned that.

Liberal sectarianism or what I would call anti-sectarianism sectarianism, is one evil which is not easy to combat.  It is like trying to treat a disease caused by the failed cure of another disease.

If Sinn Fein’s conduct is not read properly, it could easily be interpreted as being morally right.  Martin McGuiness has disguised his anti-sectarianism sectarianism by linking (very unfairly) the Orange marches with the recent racist attacks against 100 Romanians in Belfast.  As one blogger has pointed out, he may have won a propaganda victory in the media.