Bigotry in Britain and Northern Ireland

There is a lot of  political news at the moment and I am trying to catch my breath – the resignation of Alan Johnson, Shadow Chancellor and the announcement of a General Election in the Republic of Ireland.   As I write, Tony Blair is giving evidence to the Iraq enquiry.  Posts on those subjects will follow shortly.

Meanwhile, yesterday, TV coverage was also given to Baroness Warsi, the co-Chairman of the Conservative Party after she highlighted the problem of Islamaphobia in Britain.  It is very important Conservatives across the country show their solidarity with Baroness Warsi.  The message will be all the more powerful if senior conservatives, who are non-muslims, express their public support.    

Bigotry in Britain is not discussed as much as it is in Northern Ireland.  Nonetheless, Baroness Warsi’s public comments are to be welcomed by anybody in Northern Ireland who is interested in tackling bigotry against groups of people, whether it is sectarianism, homophobia or any other act of prejudice which is demeaning, divisive or stigmatising.

Northern Ireland’s problems are compounded by the institutionalization of some forms of bigotry.   If the leader of an institution, religion or any other body fails to take moral responsibility for the problem of bigotry, then it is so much the harder for individuals, who are members of that institution, religion or other body to tackle it themselves. 

I come across bigotry by individuals on a regular basis.  Recently, I heard somebody say, ““X” is a Prod but his shop does some very good bargains.”  This is not acceptable.  This is not some phenomenon which we can just brush aside as being a harmless conversation within a community.  At the extreme end of the continuum, somebody will be sufficiently influenced by it to commit a hate crime.  Anybody who notices it in their own community has a moral duty to clamp down upon it and set an example. 

In my various posts, I have highlighted the fact that institutions or bodies have not done enough to tackle bigotry. This includes not just the Orange Order but also the GAA and the Churches.   What Northern Ireland needs, particularly, is for leaders of those institutions to be courageous and challenge bigotry within their own community.

The role of the Churches in combating sectarianism?

Eamon McCann has written an interesting piece in the Belfast Telegraph concerning attempts long ago to promote mixed religious schools for Northern Ireland. His article has also been discussed on Slugger O’Toole.  

I do not propose to discuss whether the 7th Marquess of Londonderry was ahead of his time.   My interest, as I have said repeadedly on this blog, is the debate on sectarianism and the means by which Northern Ireland Society can move beyond it.  

Eamon McCann makes the following point in relation to segregation along religious lines.

“the divide in education isn’t the cause of sectarianism. But it reflects and is an important mechanism for perpetuating sectarianism.”

The Eames-Bradley report makes the following point in relation to segregated schools

“Specifically the arguments about the ethos or quality of education provided in the faith based sectors have to be balanced against the reality that reconciliation may never be achieved if our children continue to attend separated schools”

We could be waiting a very long time before we see any joint faith or secular schools, let alone enjoy the positive effects of them.  Furthermore, there are canon law arguments against them within Catholicisim. 

There are other plans and initiatives that the Churches can make. Eames-Bradley makes the following observations about the relationship between sectarianism and religion.

By definition and nature sectarianism involves religion and the destructive patterns of relating that arise from a negative mixing of religious belief and politics. When religion is used to draw boundaries, whether communal or territorial, and to reinforce patterns of inequality and social conflict, then prejudice and discrimination are given divine sanction, even if such behaviour contradicts the professed belief of its adherents.

The Christian churches carry a particular historical responsibility, for they not only gave the language which both shaped and fuelled division, but often gave sanction to those who exploited theological disputes and differences for political and territorial gain. Catholic and Protestant became the identifying labels of the political and national allegiances of each side of the divide.

Too often the violence and bitterness of communal strife was allowed to increase the suspicion and gulf between the two Christian traditions. There was a failure by the institutional church bodies to make a sustained united impact during the conflict. Often it was the actions and initiatives of individual congregations, organisations and church people that made a significant difference.

Yet some of the churches have recognised and addressed the religious dimension from the earliest days of the conflict. In their public statements some have accepted responsibility for nurturing attitudes which have contributed to the strength of sectarianism in the wider community. Indeed significant initiatives have taken place in recent years to identify and challenge sectarianism in their life and practice.

Any move by the churches to acknowledge and respect the integrity of each other’s tradition does make a significant impact on the context in which wider society can address the legacy of sectarianism. There is a strong Christian tradition in Northern Ireland.  Therefore Christian churches have a particular responsibility to take a leading role within communities for addressing the destructive presence of ongoing sectarianism.

The Group recommends that the Legacy Commission, proposed in Chapter 7, should take the lead in ensuring that sectarianism continues to be addressed, including through setting the direction for that debate and by highlighting the contribution that all sectors of society can make to address the problem.

The Legacy Commission could be some time coming up with solutions or initiatives which the churches can take in order to help address sectarianism. Should the churches wait to be told what they should do?

There are actually plenty of initiatives that churches could take without having to be told what to do.  It does not take very much imagination or organisation to promote inter-denominational parish activity.  Why wait for the legacy commission?

Eames-Bradley mentions “significant initiatives” [taken by churches].  I would be interested to know what they are and where they are happening.  If you are a cleric, minister or priest reading this post, you are invited to comment on this blog.  In particular, if you have any particular experiences of ecumenical activity relating to both Protestant and Catholic church membership (it does not have to be about anywhere in Northern Ireland), your comments would be especially welcome.